Taking stock of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s first 100 days, the way forward

By Ken Opalo

twitter@kopalo

This week marked the first 100 days of the Uhuru Kenyatta Administration. I will be the first to admit the first 100 days standard of measuring presidential effectiveness is absurd.

Presidents often come into office with lots of baggage from previous administrations, making the first 100 days more about transition and settling in than actual governing.

But the first 100 days are often the best time to set an agenda and indicate the trajectory and style of a new administration. Back in 1933 the American President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (FDR), the first to use the 100-day yardstick, did so with sweeping legislation that laid the foundation for the massive anti-poverty drive famously known as the New Deal.

So how has President Kenyatta done so far? Well, the Administration’s successes includes the confirmation of all its nominees for Cabinet and Principal Secretaries; the Sh1.6 trillion budget which is easily sailing through the National Assembly; the decree to provide free maternity care; the promise to implement the one laptop scheme; signs of a renewed fight against drug trafficking and abuse; and advances in regional diplomacy, with trade and infrastructure deals with Uganda, South Sudan and continued good relations with Nigeria. All these are commendable achievements by a government that is proving to be both internally coherent – at least at the very top – and media savvy.

But the last 100 days have not been a honeymoon period for the Kenyatta administration, even by any stretch of one’s imagination.

The most prominent blotches include increased insecurity across the country; the nearly month-long teachers’ strike; scandals such as the inflated budget to buy former President Kibaki an office, the Deputy President’s “Hustler Jet,” and the expensive renovations of the Deputy President’s official residence.

The mistreatment of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga at airports; and the president’s handling of the row between the Senate and the National Assembly over the Division of Revenue Bill.

In short, the first 100 days of the Kenyatta Administration have been anything but stellar. So far if I were to rate the president and his team I would give them a low pass, with the following comments. Firstly, the president has to clearly set a bold agenda to completely transform Kenya, and make sure that his subordinates internalise the goals and how to achieve them. Just after he was confirmed duly elected, I argued that perhaps Kenyatta would be Kenya’s FDR. Just like the American president, he is a relative of a former president who has been blessed with a lot of wealth. As such, he is the man best placed to ensure that economic growth lifts all boats – for the rich and poor alike. And because he enjoys credibility within the business community, Kenyatta must fight the people’s fight, and at times even “betray his class” - like FDR was often accused of doing - for the sake of wananchi.

Secondly, Kenyatta and his team must come up with ways of ensuring that private greed within his administration (and among those he owes from the campaign period) is aligned with the public good. Politics demands some level of presidential patronage, no denying that. But this need not necessarily come at the public’s expense.

There is money to be made providing public goods and services that Kenya’s poor need – food, proper housing and sanitation, electricity, healthcare, among others. The era of lazy navel-gazing tenderpreneurs who are mere brokers that add no value should be a thing of the past. In all government contracts private greed should be put at the service of the public good. The president must demonstrate that he has the spine to stand up to those who merely want to eat from the public trough without giving back.

Lastly, Kenyatta must cultivate the image of an all-inclusive government. Whether we like it or not, we live in an ethnically divided society. So when the president announces lists of public servants, Kenyans look to see where they are from. Having a government that reflects “the face of Kenya” is not just good politics, it is also key to ensuring good performance. It requires deep local knowledge and connections to effectively implement government policy. For instance, when talking insecurity in Mandera you need someone at the table who understands the clan politics and has the trust of locals. The government must show that it is there to serve all Kenyans, equally.

 

The writer is a PhD candidate at Stanford University