Public outrageSaturday Standard. Khartoum has always guarded the information that percolates to the rest of the world. The protests organised by the Sudanese Professional Association, although massive and in multiple locations within the country of 40 million people have hardly been reported on. Reuters says users of the three main telecommunications operators in the country — Zain, MTN and Sudani — said access to Facebook, Twitter and WhatsApp has only been possible through use of a virtual private network (VPN). “There was a discussion in the government about blocking social media sites and in the end it was decided to block them,” head of Sudan’s National Intelligence and Security Service, Salah Abdallah, told a news conference on December 21. Water, Civilisation and Power in Sudan, told Bloomberg that Sudan’s political crisis had its roots in the exclusionary style of government and the economic quagmire that it has created. “Having run out of political legitimacy and with no more money to spend, the only instrument of survival the Bashir regime can fall back on is heavy-handed repression,” Verhoeven said. Heavy handedness is a familiar tactic in Sudan. In 2013, countrywide protests over a reduction in fuel subsidies were violently crushed with close to 200 people dying. This time though, the protests are not centralised in Khartoum and are in other rural provinces, including Bashir’s home State of Hosh Bannaga and have far more support than the 2013 protests. In fact, sentiments for refreshed leadership in Sudan can be traced back to the birth of South Sudan and the debilitating effects the secession of Juba had on Khartoum. “The real problem of the Sudan which led to the separation of the south and conflicts in other regions is failure of the central authority, for many years, to manage diversity of the country on fair and equitable bases, besides external interventions,” Sudanese scholar Hamed Omer Hawi wrote in his paper Post-Referendum Sudan: National and Regional Questions. “The government could not read the plain words on the wall that something drastic is going to happen unless the centre changes its attitude towards the marginalised regions.” Yet, Khartoum opts to look the other way and ignore current realities. “His speeches and statements are not reflective of the actual realities. People blame him for the economic sanctions and the ruin of State corporations as a result of privatisation,” Elzahraa says. Recent history cannot be far from Bashir’s mind. He has seen similar uprisings spark into wild flames in neighbouring countries, sweeping off regimes in large parts of North Africa. But he will also take courage from the fact that some of his contemporaries have weathered the storm and emerged largely unscathed. Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo would serve as examples of this. But at 75, he will surely be aware that even the most trusted of his lieutenants are starting to think of a Sudan without him. And this should be top of his list of worries. He might have what it takes to quell external pressure, but does he still have the power to stand up to betrayal from within? “It is hard to say whether the protests will bring him down,” Elzahraa says. “But this is the most significant and most widespread protest against him since he took power.” Citizens, the Sudanese Professional Association and political parties formerly allied to the regime have pulled out of government and are now part of the protests. All demand one thing; the ouster of Bashir and the formation of a transitional government.