Virus scrambles attempt at quick Sonko takedown

There was an elaborate plan in place to take down Mike Sonko and clip his wings. Key functions were taken away from the flamboyant Nairobi governor and, as one newspaper put it, he was left with “less influential responsibilities such as the licensing of dogs, controlling pornography, and other non-essential services, effectively rendering him a ceremonial governor.”

But with the coronavirus crisis now occupying the minds of those behind the whittling of his powers, Sonko seems to have momentarily rediscovered his groove. Amid the pandemic, the State House meeting that saw Sonko sign away his city feels years away.

“Anyone who was receiving a beating before the virus is in a good place now,” says political commentator Herman Manyora. “It has slowed his enemies.”

On March 18, six days after Kenya confirmed its first coronavirus case, another State House meeting took place. A career military man was in attendance on the special invite of President Uhuru Kenyatta. After the meeting, the military man would swap his fatigues for a civilian suit and prepare for a different kind of war.

That is how Major-General Mohamed Abdalla Badi became entangled in a battle for control of Nairobi. On one hand was Sonko, who was obsessed with holding on to City Hall even as control slipped through his fingers. At the time he was weighed down by a humiliating public arrest as he allegedly fled from the authorities, followed by a court case that resurrected ghosts from his less-than-stellar past.

Crown jewel

Then there was the State’s fixation with wresting back control of their crown jewel from the hands of a man who was described behind closed doors as an embarrassment to the ruling party and, inexcusably, the presidency.

This is the political minefield that Badi walked into, armed with a clear fight plan from his commander-in-chief.

“Nairobians are hardworking and industrious people. For Nairobi to continue on this path, it is paramount that they get efficient and timely services,” the President said, as he announced the creation of the Nairobi Metropolitan Services, an institution specifically created to usurp Sonko’s power and hand over control of the city to the State.

“Citizens care not who is delivering the services... therefore we must also act as one and not blame one another for mwananchi wants results, not excuses.”

Away from the lofty statements, Badi’s brief was simple - get water flowing from dry taps, tackle the garbage collection problem, and sort out the public transportation mess. In other words, fix what was broken in the city and steal Sonko’s thunder.

And then Covid-19 happened.

“Something of this magnitude, once it is over, will not leave things the same,” Prof Macharia Munene of the United States International University says. “After things settle down, a lot of schemes and designs will have to be abandoned.”

For Sonko, a politician who knows how to work a crowd, the pandemic has given him the opportunity to reconnect with this supporters. His social media pages regularly churn out pictures and videos of his rescue team fumigating city streets or handing out face masks in informal settlements.

In the past one month - cognisant of the fact that he cannot compete for attention with Uhuru or Health Cabinet Secretary Mutahi Kagwe - Sonko has stepped up his public appearances while donning the most outlandish protective gear.

He is recreating the environment in which he thrives best, by muddying the political waters and dragging everyone in his sights down for a dirty duel.

For starters, the governor has refused to assent to a Bill allocating more than Sh15 billion to the NMS, thus setting the stage for what could be a drawn-out battle with Badi.

From the early days of his career, Sonko has been most successful when he has appealed directly to his supporters and blinded them into suspending logic.

During campaigns for the Makadara seat in a 2010 by-election, Sonko traversed informal settlements in the constituency and handed out mathematical geometric sets, books and cash tokens. His competitors, in the meantime, spent nearly twice the money on road shows and campaign posters.

When the results were announced, no one had come close to beating him. Not even Reuben Ndolo, whose successful petition had led to the mini-poll, could challenge him.

Back to Covid-19. While Sonko was spraying estates, Badi, the appointed heir to his throne, was getting bogged down in the bureaucracy that followed the creation of his new office.

He has been present at coronavirus update press conferences. He has been at Uhuru Park to supervise county council staff as they collect new letters of employment.

Chaos reigns

Amid the pandemic, Nairobi remains dirty. Water is not flowing from the taps of city residents and the public transportation sector is still chaotic.

Sonko’s supporters are gathering again. He is trying to look like a man who can make things happen even as Nairobians appear to have set aside their preoccupation with power games for the city’s control.

“The critical mass has moved on to other things. The middle class that was hugely critical of Sonko’s leadership have other things to worry about,” says Manyora. “They are thinking of their next pay check, their next meal and whether they have stocked up enough.”

When the virus passes, Nairobi may still be up for grabs.

A distracted populace, an overwhelmed central government and a broke business community could allow Sonko to worm his way back into the city that crumpled to its knees during his reign.

“But the crisis might also mean a lot of things in the city will have to be corrected. It may force us to deal with our chaos. Sonko cannot survive in a city without chaos,” Munene says.