Negotiated democracy best route out of stalemate

Democracy, we are told, is a system of governance where the majority has its way and the minority has its say. We are also told that democracy is not the best form of governance but is better than all the existing alternatives.

Be that as it may, democracy should not be taken in its absolute form if peace and harmony is to be realised in a country as ethnically polarised as Kenya is. This is probably why the architects of our constitution provided for ethnic inclusivity and regional balance in the composition of all public offices in the country.

This could also the reasoning behind legislations that propagate for affirmative actions towards sections of the society that are numerically or otherwise disadvantaged and hence cannot democratically compete for their share of the national cake.

Every leader in this country, especially outside the government, grabs every opportunity that comes their way to criticise administrative decision at the national level that seems to have left out the interest of their ethnic group.

For the past four years, especially, there has been an almost unanimous and unending complaint from Opposition-leaning leaders and the civil society that the Jubilee government has not been very inclusive in matters both developmental and humanitarian.

More condemnation has been flowing whenever appointments and nominations to public offices are made.

Everyone shouts fire whenever they feel their people have been short-changed! For it is those people that pay the leaders to watch out for their interests at the national table. It is indeed imperative that leaders of the State recognise that every citizen of the country, regardless of the numbers of their tribal grouping, has a share and direct interest in how the country is run and ensure that they are adequately represented at the decision making level as well as given a role in national leadership, however minor.

But this inclusivity should not be exclusively an obligation of the national government! It needs to be reflected at all levels, especially at the county and constituency. It is ironical that political leaders with the notoriety of blaming the State for leaving out some communities in leadership positions do not pause to reflect on the situation at the level at which they represent.

A Member of Parliament whose Constituency Development Fund (CDF) committee does not reflect the gender, clan, age and ethnic dynamics of his constituency, for instance, has no moral authority to point fingers and the State for such omissions.

But ethnic segregation does not just end at appointment to public offices and jobs distribution. It also, and to an even more painful manifestation, finds its way in elective exercises.

It is more painful because in cases of what Mutahi Ngunyi calls the tyranny of numbers, this ethnic segregation is likely to be permanent thereby subjecting the minority to eternal hopelessness and the tyrant to arrogant dominance. This situation has the unfortunate but very feasible repercussion of violent revolution by the section that feels numbers will never salvage it.

And that is why the concept of negotiated democracy should be looked at more seriously as the country heads into a national election. Quite a number of our counties are made up of more than one ethnic population which need, nay, deserve to be represented in at the county's top elective offices.

From Migori where the Kuria and the Luo form the dominant ethnic groups to Nakuru where the Kalenjin and the Kikuyu are almost neck-to-neck, a formula needs to be found to ensure that the numerically superior does not run away with the entire game.

Which brings me to Busia County where I attribute my ancestry.

The county is home to as many ethnic groups as the country but two stand out; the Luhya and the Teso. For some reason or the other, many believe contrary to census statistics, that the Luhya are the majority. They are more aggressive and more vocal than their Teso counterparts.

Talk is that just before the 2013 General Election, there was an arrangement that the three elective posts at the county level- governor, senator and woman representative- be shared equitably with the first going to a Teso and the second and third going to the Luhya respectively.

After the election, Sospeter Ojaamong' became governor, Amos Wako became senator and Florence Mutua became woman rep. Though Mutua is a Kamba, she is married to a Luhya man and they are assumed to be one. Everyone went home happy.

This time round however, one man is threatening to upset the apple's cat. Now, the Orange Democratic Party is the most popular party in Busia County and, traditionally, its nominees for the various positions are likely to carry the day at elections day.

During its nominations in April, the party had the three incumbents successfully defend their tickets. A loser for the gubernatorial seat, however, refused to accept the results of the nominations, disregarded the laid-down dispute resolution mechanisms of the party and the country and opted to go "independent".

 

Mr Mugolla is a high school teacher in Busia County