When the youth sought to radically change Kenya

Anti-Finance Bill 2024 protestors demonstrate in Nairobi on July 2, 2024. [File, Standard] The tabling of the Finance Bill 2024 in May set the wheels of national rebellion rolling. When Parliament passed it in June, there was no stopping the momentum. All hell had broken loose. Youths tumbled into the streets in their numbers. For several weeks, every Tuesday and Thursday, Nairobi and many other major towns were teeming with thousands of protesters, facing off with brutal walls of gun-wielding security officers. It was a punitive Bill on many fronts, many felt. The government, for example, proposed to change VAT status for the creative industry from exempt to taxable. Goods imported or purchased locally for use by the local film producers and local filming agents, upon recommendation by the Kenya Film Commission, were also to be subject to approval by the Cabinet Secretary to the National Treasury. Pushed out of their homes by rampant unemployment, increased taxation, and general high cost of living, the youth wanted to make a statement. They were here to fight for their nation. And they were a tribeless, leaderless group that would stop at nothing in their efforts to get their country back. On the war front, some died. Trigger-happy, balaclava-clad officers sprayed live rounds into masses of protesters, maiming many others. June 25 -- the day protesters stormed Parliament -- became the turning point. Footage of bodies slumping onto the ground on Parliament Road emerged. At the end of a confrontation, a young man lay spread-eagled outside Parliament buildings, his brains scattered around him. Another one had collapsed in a heap inside a cloud of teargas, and then an officer tossed a canister right onto the sprawled body. Minutes later, the canister exploded, and what looked like a hand popped up in the air, dismembered. It was a gory sight. President William Ruto dithered when the Bill was presented to him and then declined to append his signature. There was temporary relief among protesters but the sentiment remained the same. It was time to oust the regime. The protesting youth went for the jugular, demanding resignation of legislators and the Cabinet. MPs who had supported the Bill encountered immense terror- some had their houses, and businesses, razed down, and others had their motorcades attacked. At some point, the protesters threatened to storm State House. Religious leaders who platformed politicians were quickly called out, with their, and their kin's, phone numbers quickly made available on social media for all and sundry. Soon, many churches distanced themselves with the cabal of politicians that was attracting great displeasure. Artistes, comedians, and other entertainers shunned government events, and the protesting youth had a whole battalion of like-minded Kenyans rallying behind them. The youth insisted they were out to address issues that had stemmed up years ago and that their parents had been unable to. Inquisitive and tough as nails, the youth were able to read through the Finance Bill, and used social media to spread awareness. A section of youths who attended a church service at Holy Family Basilica church, Nairobi on Sunday, June 23,2024 express their disapproval of the Finance Bill, 2024. [File ,Standard] With the sustained protests, the President fired his cabinet on July 11, citing "reflection, listening to Kenyans, and after holistic appraisal of my cabinet". By this time, a faction of the youth had already shown a desire to form political parties, support their own and defeat Kenya's longstanding political demagogues and kingmakers. A legion, the youth could make an indefatigable voting block, enough to change the nation's politics for good. From a series of street protests, there emerged from the youth, who claimed to be leaderless, a few individuals who were the most visible amplifiers for the call to patronize the streets. They include Kasmuel McOure and David Morara Kebaso. Initially, they were just a handful of the youth who had somewhat caught the public eye, but with time their voices got louder. One projected himself as the consummate debater, poking holes into government agenda and endearing himself with masses whenever he appeared on the battlefront. Abductions The other went on a spree to expose projects the current and past governments had allocated money to without much happening on the ground. Morara formed the Injection of National Justice, Economic and Civic Transformation (INJECT) party. McOure joined Raila Odinga's Orange Democratic Party. But some doubted Morara's potential to upset the current regime in 2027. "I do not think he is keen on the Generation Z movement and its demands," says Johnstone Obayi, a lawyer and political activist. Lilian Kamau, a teacher in Nairobi, thought Morara was losing focus. "I do not think he is ready, politically. He started well but then lost direction along the way," she said. A spate of abductions, disappearances and killings, somewhat pushed the youth back, and the political rhetoric was, for a moment, suppressed. A spate of abductions, disappearances and killings, somewhat pushed the youth back, and the political rhetoric was, for a moment, suppressed. Then came details of the controversial Adani deals which, through whistleblowers, caused great uproar across the country, and the fire that had been dying was stoked. In the deal, Indian billionaire Gautam Adani's conglomerate Adani Group was being roped into two deals, one to renovate the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA) and another a public-private-partnership with the Ministry of Energy to construct power transmission lines. Both deals were to the tune of hundreds of billions of shillings. For JKIA, which had been under great scrutiny due to a number of blackouts and leaking roofs, the deal was worth nearly $2 billion, Reuters reported. The Adani Group was to add a second runway at the airport and upgrade the passenger terminal in exchange for a 30-year lease. President Ruto initially ignored the discontentment by Kenyans. But during his State of The Nation address in November, he announced the cancellation of the deals. The decision was, however, reached following an indictment of Adani in the US, where the tycoon and seven other defendants allegedly paid about $265 million in bribes to Indian government officials. At the height of the protests, the youth mobilised on social media to discuss their discontentment and agree on the course of action. United, they made a very, very strong force that attracted widespread praise from like-minded politicians who were also opposed to the government. "I hereby declare GenZ as (the) official opposition in Kenya. They have achieved so much in less than 14 days," said Saboti MP Caleb Amisi on his X account. Narc Kenya leader Martha Karua said she was "incredibly grateful to witness Gen Z in Kenya reclaiming our agency and fearlessly demanding accountability from political and religious leaders, succeeding in ways we, as politicians, have struggled to achieve." Youth power But even after the street protests had subsided, the youth continued to actively push messages that were either anti-government on social media. In recent days, a cartoon silhouette of the President has been doing the rounds, depicting him in a light the youth feel best represents their displeasure. Many wonder, however, if the Gen Zs have the fuel to sustain their push. Will the tempo hold until 2027- and beyond? Will Kenya's political landscape change for good? Former Law Society of Kenya President Nelson Havi thinks that in taking to the streets earlier in the year, the youth made a statement whose echoes cannot be ignored. "Young men and women between 18 to 30 years account for more than 10 million voters in Kenya," he says. "They have gone to school but the only job available for them is to slash grass and clean the roads. They have the power to change the government for the better, on the ballot, in 2027." Presidential hopeful, senator and renowned activist Okiya Omtatah said that the Gen Z protest, which hit a climax on June 25, "marked a turning point in Kenya's activism." "Despite autocratic leadership, the protests ignited lasting change. From church bishops rejecting dubious donations to citizens boldly confronting corruption, public theft, and poor governance at all levels, the impact is undeniable," he said. "This movement awakened Kenya, reminding us of our power to demand accountability and fight for justice. For those who sacrificed their lives in the struggle, we honor their legacy by keeping hope alive for a Kenya governed by the rule of law and the Constitution." The feeling is that the youth sent a strong message when they poured into the streets, united by a quest for better governance. The momentum, many feel, is enough to carry them to 2027 where they have a chance to make their voice heard on the ballot. "They have to stand their ground and be consistent in their conviction," says Dr Paul Chege, a scholar. "Those who have suddenly shifted and now pay allegiance to the government showed a weak resolve. They do not have to be synonymous with lack of a guided stand on issues. They do not have to be seen as miscreants who do not have a stand. They have to believe in a cause that is guided by something." Politician Jimi Wanjigi, who has been critical of the government and was arrested in August, says Kenyan politics "completely changed with the economic revolution and the demonstrations" led by Gen Z. Ken Gichinga, Chief Economist at Mentoria Economics, says that the youth could change the country's political bearing, seeing in them a huge potential from the events of earlier in the year. "The youth are emerging as a powerful political constituency with remarkably different values from their predecessors. They appear less tribal and keener on government delivering services and creating jobs. They are asking very fundamental questions about our organizing principles as a society." Political analyst Javas Bigambo agrees. He calls the Gen Z power an "awakening and altogether surprising political kinetic energy in our democracy". He commends the youth for standing up for a more democratic Kenya. "The initial latency of the youth power has been countered by the profound demonstrable potency of awakened political interest manifested in the rise against the Finance Bill of 2024." He also commends youth for following up on their initial protest with a consistency that has seen the momentum maintained, at least on social media. "The creativity, resilience, innovation and dedication were unimaginably profound. Now we are witnessing the use of art, humour, criticism, technology and social media in advocacy, which will unavoidably play key roles in 2027 elections," he says. "Political parties and candidates will have to reorganize their ideas and thinking around Gen Z interests, particularly in matters of accountability, governance, advocacy and campaigns. Thematic organizing and being antithetical to tribal organizing or regionalism will be likely a new frontier of mobilization. To ignore the youth, or to imagine they will be merely peripherally involved in politics as it has been in the past, will be the folly of any political party, coalition or candidate." It is a group that is impossible to ignore. The Kenya Population and Housing Census of 2019 showed the country had 11.3 million people aged between 23 and 38. As they gravitate towards individuals that are both youthful and seem to represent an agenda that resonates with them, the youth could determine the outcome of the 2027 and elections in the future. If they persist, they could change Kenya for good.

When the youth sought to radically change Kenya

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