Of top seat aspirants and imperial presidency

Delegates during the official launch of the Building Bridges to a United Kenya Taskforce Report at the Bomas of Kenya in Nairobi on October 26, 2020. [Stafford Ondego, Standard]

Few locations in Kenya have special national importance as political grounds. These include Kamkunji, Ufungamano House, Bomas of Kenya and Chester House.

Before independence, Kamkunji was the place for 'natives' to hold political rallies. Ufungamano was associated with the 'second liberation' of the late 1980s and 1990s. Bomas shaped recent constitutional contestations as the unofficial headquarters for launching constitutional dreams. The latest is the second launching of the Building Bridges Initiative (BBI).

BBI's launching at Bomas had a 'thud' rather than a 'bang' effect and indicates possible alliance unravelling. Humour and matters of concern were plenty. Bishop David Oginde advised the Hustler Nation and reggae band to tone down their campaigns. Raila Odinga told Jubilee to put its house in order, DP William Ruto defended wheelbarrow economics, and President Uhuru Kenyatta accused Ruto of running backwards instead of waiting for the baton like in the relay race. A woman caused laughter by offering to become the president's “mpango wa kando”.

BBI favours people with realistic presidential chances and resembles the rejected 2005 document. Those with serious presidential ambitions, irrespective of party or ideological leanings, would love to govern using the proposed structure that offers a powerful presidency unfettered by officials with such glorified titles as vice president or prime minister and deputy prime ministers.

First, the missing fire in the BBI report is partly due to the fact that Kenya is suffering two inter-connected, natural and partly self-inflicted calamities. The part of self-infliction connects with rampant corruption reports mostly in health related operations, the downing of tools in public institutions, and general feelings of demoralisation. The BBI talk and debates between IEBC and ODM on the billions to spend in the BBI referendum hardly inspires.

Second, the few voices of rejection, mainly civil society types and second tier political leaders, accept many of the socio-economic aspects of the BBI proposals. Their beef is with the seeming return of the 'imperial president' that had been the reason for the 'second liberation' movement of the late 1980s and early 1990s. They express fear that the country might revert to the days of 're-education' of lecturers and assorted intellectuals in the basement of tall buildings. If so, the question would be as to why a person identified with the second liberation, like Raila, would champion returning to what seems like an imperial presidency.

Third, on the face of it, presidential candidates have little interest in opposing the BBI proposals, especially the presidency part. Like his political nemesis Raila, Ruto expects to win the 2022 election. Having declared his basic support, with pointed reservations, the challenge for him is psychological.

With his critics cornering him to reject BBI, Ruto is like Francis Atwoli and Charity Ngilu in calling for additional discussions on perceived shortcomings. Unlike Atwoli and Ngilu, however, he needs to convince the public that he has no quarrel with the BBI report because it has virtually addressed most of his previous hustler platform issues. With the president and former prime minister campaigning to champion the concerns of the poor that Ruto had appropriated to himself, Ruto will have to adjust and so will be his political rivals.

Fourth, serious challenges to the BBI governance proposals, therefore, would come from two quarters; political leaders with little to gain immediately from the proposed changes and, second, from well-connected civil society bodies. They have already started poking holes in the BBI logic and are set to intensify their activities. The senators are generally unhappy with what they claim are reductions in their power as custodians of devolution.

Martha Karua, a key player in the second liberation, a party leader and presidential candidate, has made clear her opposition to the return of the 'imperial president'. Former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga encourages the youth to be politically active in questioning existing power structures.

During and after the BBI engagement at Bomas, a common pattern emerged. Speakers combined BBI support with biting reservations. To compound matters, coronavirus decided to hit hard again. Thereafter, the country seemed puzzled as Raila flew to Congo and Captain Kung’u Muigai linked up with Ruto. What is going on? 

-Prof Munene teaches history and international relations at USIU