How Jirongo supported underground political movement after fallout with Kanu

The late former Lugari MP Cyrus Jirongo addresses a past political rally. [File, Standard] Like all historical personalities, the late Cyrus Jirongo cannot "rest in peace". Wrangles, contests and reviews of his life have and will characterise his death. He is not alone in this. Raila Odinga 's death sparked off reactions that led to the death of around four people. Dr John Garang's death in a helicopter crash in South Sudan occasioned the death of around eighty-five people. Perhaps the "REST IN PEACE" remark, as is the norm, follows such a death should be reserved for the ordinary. Was Jirongo assassinated? That's not my area of competence but the country's history is littered with suspicious deaths through what has been claimed to be road and air accidents. That has built and increased the legitimacy of people's inquisitiveness. Knowing Jirongo's character and spirit, however, I must say that he possessed credentials that qualified him for an assassin's eye. This is partially illustrated in my few encounters and covert dealings with him as you will witness below. We met in 1993. But let's fast forward to 1995. Two years after our encounter, when I came from exile, he gave me a story: "I want to tell you something I have never told anyone" Jirongo said. "When I was campaigning for the ruling party, a Central Province political operative came to us and gave a solid promise that he was going to secure defections of key people from Mount Kenya. We gave him quite some money but he failed to deliver and was summoned by the big men. After a private meeting with the guy, I was asked to drive the fellow to his home escorted by the GSU" Jirongo went on. "In my vehicle, I was in the company of a certain Youth for Kanu member. When the Mt Kenya fellow stepped out from my car, a GSU officer in the car behind me got out and shot him point blank at his gate. I nearly collapsed in shock. Then the same officer turned to me and said 'Ambia mtu yoyote juu ya hii kitendo ujue serikali ni nini(try telling anyone what you have seen and you will know what government is)." At that time we were driving to Nairobi to look for money to support Saulo Busolo's parliamentary campaign in Webuye constituency when Jirongo gave me this story. The by-election followed Musikari Kombo's loss through a court process in 1995. Earlier in the morning, Saulo Busolo and I had secretly met Abraham Kiptanui, the State House Controller, at a carpentry workshop near Kunste Hotel in Nakuru after driving the whole night from Bungoma. Our scheme as recommended by Jirongo was to secure the government's non-interference undertaking in Webuye by-election by a false promise from our end that we would defect after being elected. Jirongo presented the proposal on our behalf. After a few questions, Kiptanui was convinced. He then said: "Can you talk to this Wafula Buke to ensure that the president is not stoned because he is coming to campaign for the Kanu candidate? Jirongo told him "the Buke you are talking about is here. He is the one." He pointed at me. "You mean its you?" Kiptanui spoke in shock. He had a point. My clothes were not in good shape. I was in charge of the "crude" wing of the campaign tasked with ensuring that the ruling party's operatives did not have piece in Webuye. I assured Kiptanui that the president will be safe. He offered to take us to meet President Daniel Arap Moi so that we could get campaign money. I told him that was not necessary since we were going to win the election. "All we want from you is neutrality by the Government after winning we shall come and join the President". I said. "In the years that I have worked in government, I have never met anybody who refused to receive money". Kiptanui said. After the meeting and we had left, Jirongo warned me against going against my word to such a high ranking State House operative. In 1993 when we met for the first time, I had been taken to him by a man who later became my father-in-law. He informed me that Jirongo was dishing out money to opposition politicians after falling out with Kanu. I was taken to him at anniversary towers. The guys were excited to have recruited a rebel of my stature. Jirongo talked to me across his office table but my responses were not audible because I was hungry. The last time I had this experience was in Kabete Campus in 1987. I was invited to the podium but my voice could not be heard. I had focused on SONU campaigns so much that I was not eating. When I got off the stage, a frustrated Miguna Miguna protested: "Buke! You are not eating. Please eat food" Jirongo mistook my low voice to mean I wanted privacy so he instructed his driver Emmanuel Tiboti to drive me to Eldoret. We finally met in a Webuye hotel the following day. I presented my case reminding him that he was a big man now. "We are on opposite political sides but we share some things in common. We are both young. (Jirongo was 32 while I was 30 years old) I have been fighting for change in my entire youth. I have participated in creating conditions that have made the Moi government engage you for them to survive". I said that I had seen him dishing out money to many people, "you mean you can't just help me pay rent. Surely you have benefited from our effort. You know I cant join KANU but in politics, you never know. You might need me later. Help me feed my family brother" I pleaded. Jirongo replied: "Now listen Buke. It's not a question of me needing you. It is a question of us needing each other. As for money, now you have it. Go back home and think about what you want to do. Come to Nairobi on Monday I sort you out". What was this guy talking about? I wondered. At the time, I was looking for 7,000 shillings to open a Nyoyo and porridge kiosk in Kisumu adjacent to Kenya breweries. He saw my worried face and gave me some guidelines. He then removed a bundle of 500-shilling notes, split them into two, and handed me the bigger bundle (Sh 35,000) and asked me to report in his Lavington residence on Monday. As far as I was concerned, that money was enough and all my problems were over. On Monday at 1pm we were at his residence. Please I can't see you today. He gave me 100k to hung around for two days. After two days he said he was still busy. He gave me 200k to go home and come back after the weekend. The process went on till the mini handouts reached about a million before I received the main handout. During this period Jirongo kept complaining about his marginalisation by a party he had worked for its re-election in 1992. He told me how the system was frustrating him economically. I monitored the deterioration of his faith in the government and decided to challenge him. At the time, my underground movement was still operating. Cadres were scattered across the country and preparations for action were still on. The movement had deployed me to mobilise students on a national scale. I thought I could convince Jirongo to fund our guerrilla movement. "CJ! you know me and know what am associated with. Why can't you fund us. We shall exercise maximum confidences as a clandestine body. We won't blow your cover." Jirongo said he had been waiting to hear that from us. He called out a man he said was his best friend by one name; Waliaula. He told him he was going the Buke way. But after I warned him not to reveal much that early he understood and so we excluded the late Waliaula. I then approached my official contact in the underground movement, Wahome Mutahi's brother Njuguna Mutahi (now deceased). I told him that revolutionary movements sometimes rely on resources from conservative quarters. I said I had a source of funding for our military campaign. And that I had been asked to ask our people to do a budget and I would get the money. Njuguna gave me an update on the movement. It had been mismanaged frustrating cadres till some had disappeared while others had been killed. I went back to Jirongo and told him to hold on before I re-engage him. Jirongo had a suicidal streak in his character that separated him from his counterparts in YK92 and the ruling party. He also had some values, never betrayed his real friends. In his house, whenever I arrived, I went straight to his library to hide lest government operatives found me there. On most occasions many KANU politicians came there. I identified them by their voices. A few opposition leaders also showed up. One day I broke the rule. I had been to prison for several years. I was free for 43 days then ran away to Uganda where I stayed in the bush undergoing guerrilla training. Jirongo's sitting room had a big television set showing CNN. I decided to watch it. Mohammed Noor, a state House operative, stepped into the sitting room. "You mean guerrillas also come here?" He said in apparent shock. "Not really, we guerrillas have seen the light and are willing to work with president Moi. That's why I am here". I responded hoping to repair the damage. Noor called CJ using the house telephone. He immediately handed the phone to Jirongo's Maasai wife after just saying hello. She held the phone on her ear for a few minutes then faced me. "CJ is mad. I didn't know that you are not supposed to be seen. What do we do now?." She asked me. I went back to the Library. Jirongo had a balanced library ideologically. He had several revolutionary books by Ngugi wa Thiong'o and many leftist books by Nkurumah and Nyerere. He was young then and must have been trying to discover his mission in life. Not long after the departure of Mohammed Noor, Jirongo walked in, gave me a bundle of notes Sh700,000 and told me to "disappear". Two days later, the police raided his home looking for guns. The story was headline news. Jirongo got in touch with my all-time friend, Soulo Busolo, to instruct me to disappear and "go back to Uganda. This people kill him" Having learned from Njuguna that the underground movement was no more, I reached out to comrades individually asking them to do business proposals since I had money. I dished out some as I settled on matatu transport business which failed miserably because of being run on socialist ideals and values. I also rented a house in Waithaka and fully furnished it. The house would be used by all homeless comrades. I left the house in the hands of Makogega, an expelled university student and Kaberere Njenga. Jirongo's tribulations did not end. He ended up joining the reform campaign occasioning our next encounter in the late 90s. Kwanza MP and I organised a rally in Sabwana Primary School in Kitale. Kanu and Ford Kenya were against the rally. Jirongo and William Rito supported the rally. I was in charge of the operations. As is well known, the rally was attacked by a grenade and arrows. My security team chased the attackers. As reported in the newspapers Ruto was the only member of parliament who joined the chase. One man was killed. I look back through the life of CJ and can't deny him the credit of courage of the dare devil brand. Till his last days, he still spoke his mind without fear. In fact he could stand accused of being reckless by the cautious and cowardly. In this regard, his conduct resembled the many who have been assassinated. If anyone will develop a list of men and women who were generous or reckless givers of what they had, the late Wamalwa Kijana comes first followed by Cyrus Jirongo. I feel hurt that he assisted me at my hour of need unconditionally but has gone without my "thank you" in kind. Go well interesting one.

How Jirongo supported underground political movement after fallout with Kanu

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