Ruto's untouchable

Several people were injured as goons blocked a Linda Mwanchi convoy at Keumbu, Nyaribari Chache in Kisii County, July 3, 2026. [Sammy Omingo, Standard]

Keumbu Centre, one of the busiest markets in Kisii County, was last Friday turned into a heated political battleground, a stark contrast to its usual calm and rhythm where traders quietly sell their produce and life moves with routine ease.

A convoy belonging to the opposition’s Linda Mwananchi movement, led by figures including Senator Edwin Sifuna and accompanied by former Chief Justice David Maraga, was attacked by groups of youths armed with stones and crude weapons as it made its way to a political rally in Keroka.

Investigations have since narrowed down to several key persons of interest, including first-term Nyaribari Chache lawmaker Zaheer Jhanda, who was required to record a statement as early as Sunday, July 5.

However, days on, Jhanda, a key ally of President William Ruto, is yet to make contact with detectives, brushing off the unfolding scrutiny and acting untouchable seemingly by his proximity to power.

In the meantime, the family of Vincent Osiemo, a father of three also known as “Mapinduzi” from Gionseri Riamachuki village, is left searching for a place to lay him to rest.

Mapinduzi (36), described by those who knew him as humble and hardworking, died after falling from a moving vehicle during the Keumbu convoy attack. He sustained fatal head injuries after being struck by stones hurled at the moving convoy.

“What some politicians are ushering into this country is a repeat of the 2007 election violence. Why should a life be lost because of politics?” Oscar Osiemo, Mapinduzi’s brother, questioned.

And in what angered many Kenyans, uniformed police officers are captured in the midst of the melee watching from the sidelines, as if observing rather than intervening as others walk side by side the rowdy crowds as if escorting them to unleash terror, armed with batons and stones and chanting “Two term! Two term!”.

The National Police Service (NPS) has announced that seven suspects have been arrested, but not MPJhanda, who is believed to be the mastermind and was expected to appear at the Kisii DCI offices. Now, 48 hours have passed.

“Interior CS Kipchumba Murkomen and IG Douglas Kanja should step down to allow for independent investigations into the attack,” stated Maraga after the terrifying incident.

DCP leader and former Deputy President Rigathi Gachagua likened the current wave of political violence to anarchy.

“The police in Kisii had instructions to work with goons and harass the Linda Mwananchi team,” he said.

“The plan was meticulous, to ensure no convoy passes through Keumbu completely,” says Obadiah Barongo, Bomachoge Borabu MP.

“Clearly this is being used for selfish, eccentric agendas that benefit nobody other than the politicians,” observed Duncan Mathenge, Nyeri Town MP.

Speaking to The Standard, some of the people who participated in the chaos have opened up: 

“We were on the streets to basically protect our source of ‘unga,’” said Janet Kemunto, a trader and supporter of Jhanda, in an interview.

“We have not been paid till now, but I am sure we shall be paid at some point when the matters have settled,” Kemunto said.

But who exactly is this man Jhanda, and why does he appear to wield so much influence?

Seven years ago, Zaheer Jhanda would easily have passed for an attention-seeker, often posting pictures with politicians seemingly for validation as he claimed to have strong business connections. His association with a glamorous socialite further pushed his name into public circles.

At the time, his name was linked to one of Kenya’s most complex gold fraud schemes, a controversy that, for many, should have kept him far from the country’s political establishment.

But far from it, today, he sits comfortably as the Member of Parliament for Nyaribari Chache.

After two unsuccessful bids for the Nyaribari Chache parliamentary seat, first in 2013 and then in 2017, he finally broke through in 2022, defeating seasoned rivals to win the seat, including his predecessor Richard Tong’i.

Despite years of being profiled as an outsider and of mixed heritage who did not belong to any of the Gusii clans and of Indian descent, he took up a native name, “Nyandieka,” to identify with the electorate. His family set up businesses in Kisii town.

How a man whose name once featured prominently in controversies reinvented himself into a formidable political force is a story political scientists could spend years studying.

But you don't have to look far; the answer lies deep in his pockets. Today, many regard him as the undisputed moneybags of Gusii politics.

More than once, and on countless occasions, Jhanda has been filmed freely dishing out cash to his constituents from boda boda riders, women's groups, to mourners.

"Woe unto you if Jhanda attends your funeral," says Peter, a resident of Keumbu who requested that only his first name be used for fear of reprisals. "He'll first present the family with a contribution, then immediately after his speech, he walks to the sidelines where people queue up for handouts and the crowds move with him. Sometimes people receive as much as Sh1,000 each, regardless of how many have turned up."

To his ardent supporters, this is a rare display of generosity by a leader who gives without hesitation. But to his critics, Jhanda has almost single-handedly entrenched a culture of handout politics in Gusii, one that they argue undermines democracy, distorts electoral competition, and raises uncomfortable questions about the future of ethical politics in the region.

Charles Mogeni, a resident of Nyaribari who was close to Jhanda during campaigns, disclosed that he would spend up to 20 times what his competitors spent during campaigns.

“He would visit a village and inquire how much (in handouts) people had been given, and then make it double or even triple. That’s how he won the hearts of many locals,” Mogeni said.

Some ardent supporters have no qualms: “Let’s give him due credit: the MP has done very well in issuing bursary funds to needy learners, empowering women and youth groups, promoting electricity connectivity in remote villages of the constituency, as well as uplifting our schools,” Grace Bonareri, a trader at Nyanturago Market, said.

Asked why he distributes money, Jhanda answered:

"That's just a bit of a token, just to give my people, especially the boda boda guys, so that at least they get some bit of fuel. It's nothing political."

"You know our people. After you discuss what you discuss, they say, 'Mheshimiwa, unatuacha namna gani?' (Our leader, don't leave us empty-handed.)

"I have been doing what I have been doing. It's nothing new. I am a businessman, I have a salary, and I also have friends who support me."

It is a seemingly bottomless pit of cash that his critics say remains largely unexplained for a man who was born in Kisii and schooled at Kisii Primary and Cardinal Otunga High School.

"You definitely can't compete with him. If you want to vie in Nyaribari Chache, you have to match what he offers, and that is a tall order for an average politician," states Elizabeth, a business lady in Kisii town.

In May 2019, Zaheer Jhanda, then a businessman and unsuccessful parliamentary aspirant, found himself at the centre of one of Kenya's most high-profile fake gold scandals.

The Directorate of Criminal Investigations identified Jhanda as a person of interest in an alleged multi-million-dollar fake gold scheme involving Dubai-based company ZLIVIA FZC. The complainant, businessman Ali Zandi, who was widely reported to have close links to the UAE royal family, claimed he had been defrauded in a deal involving 4.6 tonnes of gold purportedly destined for Dubai.

Investigators alleged that Jhanda had signed a consultancy agreement to facilitate export documentation, customs clearance and logistics, and stood to earn about US$14.3 million together with a 12 per cent stake in the venture. Jhanda denied any wrongdoing, maintaining that he was merely a consultant and that the gold in question had never even arrived in Kenya.

The investigation also drew in National Assembly speaker Moses Wetang'ula, then a senator, after detectives sought to establish his interactions with the Dubai complainants.

A leaked audio recording captured a voice alleged to be Wetang'ula's, assuring the investors that the gold would be released while invoking the names of senior Kenyan leaders. Wetang'ula would later deny that the voice was his and rejected any involvement in the alleged fraud.

No public court records show that either Zaheer Jhanda or Moses Wetang'ula was convicted in connection with the 2019 case. When the 2022 General Election approached, Kenya's electoral body cleared Jhanda to contest for the Nyaribari Chache parliamentary seat.

Jhanda's name resurfaced in 2023 after a Tunisian businessman alleged that he had been defrauded in another gold transaction in Nairobi. Media reports linked Jhanda to individuals said to have been involved in the transaction. Jhanda denied the allegations and filed a defamation suit against blogger Cyprian Nyakundi, arguing that the claims were false and had damaged his reputation.

As with the 2019 investigation, there has been no public court finding establishing that Jhanda participated in the alleged fraud.

Prof Christopher Ngacho, an economist and Deputy Vice Chancellor in charge of Planning, Innovation and Research at Masinde Muliro University, says the culture of handouts has never improved people’s lives but instead makes them worse off.

“The perceived circulation of money creates a false sense of a better economy among the people, but in the long term, it makes them poorer because the culture of handouts only accelerates dependency, which kills the spirit of wealth creation,” Prof Ngacho said.

According to the academic, the huge budgets politicians spend on handouts are often eventually recirculated back into their accounts, most likely through unjustified means.

“If politicians want to help their people, they should do it through tangible wealth creation ventures and not direct cash handouts, which will never end the vicious cycle of poverty,” Prof Ngacho advised.

“People are impoverished to an extent that they can follow anyone who gives them money. This leads to incompetent people being elected at the expense of visionary and development-oriented ones,” he said.

Kenya enacted the Election Campaign Financing Act (2013) to regulate campaign spending. However, the law has never been fully implemented, leaving significant gaps in the oversight of political spending.

In 2026, both Parliament and the IEBC acknowledged that the absence of enforceable campaign finance rules has allowed wealthy politicians to spend with little scrutiny.