Meeting state force with care: How medics, lawyers and counsellors sprang to action
National
By
Jacinta Mutura
| Jun 17, 2025
On June 25, the Law Society of Kenya (LSK) and civil society organisations activated their emergency legal aid networks as scenes of chaos unfolded on the streets of Nairobi.
Protestors were being rounded up and some held incommunicado. Lawyers worked through the nights, tracing the missing in efforts to secure their release.
It was one of the most aggressive crackdowns witnessed in the country, and the legal fraternity found itself not only contesting unlawful arrests but also resisting a systematic attempt to silence dissent.
Working in partnership with civil society groups including the Defenders Coalition, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR), and Amnesty International, LSK offered legal aid and connected injured youth with medical service providers.
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Initially, the LSK did not have a planned response, but when it became clear that key stakeholders were not acting as expected to champion for the rule of law, the respect for the constitution and protection of human rights, the Society stepped in to fill the gap.
This prompted support from numerous civil society organisations, which later joined and backed the LSK efforts.
“It started as a unique, symbolic movement of younger people championing their identities, civil and political liberties. Then it culminated into something totally unexpected, which has now reconfigured Kenya’s political landscape,” recalled LSK Vice President, Mwaura Kabaata.
“We quickly deployed in about 37 counties, mobilising LSK advocates—particularly younger lawyers—who were on standby to assist members of the public who were arrested, detained, or arraigned,” he said.
“For those kidnapped and taken to undisclosed locations—without access to legal assistance or communication with loved ones—we moved to court,” he added.
This included seeking judicial guidance on what constitutes lawful arrest and detention, and challenging the use of excessive force during peaceful protests. LSK also pushed for legal clarity around standards of arrest, and successfully advocated for rules requiring police to identify themselves during engagements. Additionally, it championed compensation for victims injured, maimed, or killed during the protests.
Despite the growing demand for legal representation, Kabaata said the members of LSK appearing in court or police stations to assist the protestors kept rising.
“I recall one case involving 137 individuals—mostly young men from modest backgrounds—who were arrested at night and presented in court at 4pm the next day. The timing was clearly designed to deny them cash bail before the court closed at 5pm.”
“But the judiciary rose to the occasion. The magistrate was exceptionally kind and remained in court until 11.30pm—far beyond what is ordinarily expected of a judicial officer,” he said.
At the time, well-wishers shopped for food in malls and delivered supplies to courts, where people often went the entire day and late into the night without meals.
“They brought milk, pastries, water—it was all shared among those unlawfully arrested. It was a powerful experience. Amid the darkness, there were glimmers of hope.”
“When tyranny becomes the order of the day, the defence of the Constitution becomes a duty. And that duty does not lie with lawyers alone.”
People united
“It was a moment of national aspiration—people from different professionals, all walks of life stood together, addressed the issues together, and moved beyond their individual backgrounds,” said Kabaata.
A toll-free line, set up by the Defenders Coalition and manned by counsellors, provided trauma support to families and survivors of abductions, injuries, and killings.
Kamau Ngugi, Executive Director of the Defenders Coalition, reflected on how young Kenyans, disillusioned by corruption and lack of opportunity, took to the streets demanding justice and accountability.
He noted that while over 60 per cent of Kenya’s population is youthful, this demographic remains statistically acknowledged but not meaningfully engaged.
“Gen Zs are demanding their rightful place in leadership and economic participation, calling for recognition of their skills and social contributions. It’s time Kenya listened to them,” said Ngugi.
The Defenders Coalition, together with partners like LSK, KNCHR, and Amnesty International, offered legal support, connected injured protesters with medics, and ran trauma helplines for victims and their families.
Ngugi personally joined efforts to secure the release of peaceful protesters from Central Police Station.
He recalled a profound realisation: the youth were not divided by tribe, class, religion, or education. They were united by fear—of a present and future being squandered by poor leadership.
“Among those detained were children of politicians, police officers, and clergy—many embarrassed by their parents’ actions, yet deeply committed to justice and reform,” said Ngugi.
“My watershed moment was recognising that these young people were calling for a well-managed country—where resource wastage is shunned, jobs are created, leaders are held accountable, and human rights are respected.”
Ngugi highlighted that Gen-Zs feel ignored not just in politics, but also at home, in churches, and workplaces emphasising that even the constitutional promise of youth empowerment has been misused for corrupt purposes.
For meaningful change, the country must genuinely recognise and act on the voices and aspirations of its youth.
As Kenya marks the first anniversary of the historic Gen Z-led protests against the Finance Bill, 2024, Catherine Mbui, an advocate and civic space lead at Article 19 Eastern Africa, reflected on the state’s response to the movement.
Youth underestimated
She noted that the government grossly underestimated both the scale and significance of the protests. “There was surprise, even arrogance. They thought this was just another outcry from activist groups or social justice centers. But what they didn’t anticipate was how informed and determined this generation is that you can’t manipulate with promises or past thoughts,” she stated.
Mbui outlined a three-stage state response: initial dismissal, then repression, followed by attempts to sow division.
She said the government failed to engage with growing online dissent and pushed forward with the Bill, treating the youth as a passing storm—“like every scandal in the country.”
“They underestimated the youth’s capacity to organise. Online mobilisation wasn’t treated as a conversation to join, but as noise that would fade,” she noted.
When peaceful protests gathered momentum, the state responded with bans, security deployments, and threats.
“But efforts to divide people—by class, generation, or background—failed. Instead, there was remarkable unity: from medics to media, and parents standing with their children,” she added.
George Muhia, a protest observer contracted by Amnesty International and coordinator at the Kiamaiko Social Justice Centre, explained that what began as a peaceful movement became one of the most intense protest moments in recent years.
The first two days, he said, were calm. Hundreds of young people marched in peaceful resistance to the Finance Bill.
His job was to observe and document events, particularly illegalities by either side.
“On day one, police were restrained. They used standard crowd control—batons, rubber bullets, tear gas. Nothing unusual,” said Muhia.
But by day two, the tone shifted.
“GSU officers arrived—smaller, more aggressive units. Police tactics changed. We began documenting the use of live ammunition,” he explained.
The escalation was subtle at first. Tear gas signalled tension, but then came force. Peaceful protesters were met with excessive violence.
“There was no provocation from the protesters. The police initiated the violence. Live bullets were used—something we hadn’t seen in recent demonstrations. It was excessive,” he added.
The swell of momentum came not from organized political groups, but from real-time digital outrage. In this way, the protest grew from pockets of defiance into a generational movement.
“This was not traditional mobilisation. It was organic, online. Videos and photos from the ground triggered waves of people who had stayed home in the morning to rush to the streets in the afternoon.”
One year on, Mbui confirmed that protesters and rights defenders continued to report digital surveillance and intimidation.
Article 19, as part of a monitoring team led by KNCHR, tracked threats and reported several cases of internet throttling and social media censorship. With rising calls from within government to regulate digital platforms, Mbui warned of looming threats to free expression.
She cited three problematic bills: the Computer Misuse and Cybercrimes (Amendment) Bill, the Public Participation Bill, and the Assemblies and Demonstrations Bill—each of which she argued would restrict expression and protest.
She reiterated that freedom of expression and the right to protest are protected under both international and local human rights frameworks.
During the peak of the protests, legal aid demand surged. “It was overwhelming,” Mbui said, underscoring the urgent need for government to reframe its approach to dissent.
“Protests are not people’s first resort. They’re a result of being ignored. The government had opportunities to engage, to listen but instead, they were defensive and violent,” she added.
She also emphasised the need to strengthen oversight bodies like Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA) and KNCHR.
“These institutions need financial and political independence. We need a culture that respects institutional authority over political personalities,” she added.
For Houghton Irungu, Executive Director of Amnesty International Kenya, the events of June 25 remain a stark reminder of the country’s human rights backslide.
Drawing parallels to the Saba Saba protests of 1990, he warned that police brutality has not only endured but worsened.
“We saw almost twice as many deaths last year compared to 1991.For a modern state, that is an indictment,” he observed
“In 1990, approximately 1,000 protesters were arrested. In 2024, that number more than doubled, with about 2,500 people detained, many arbitrarily and without due process. We must ask ourselves why human rights are receding under a progressive constitution,” Irungu posed.
Irungu insisted that justice must precede compensation.
“Once a court determines that an officer acted unlawfully, then compensation should follow. But until then, the focus must be on prosecution. Otherwise, we risk creating an unresolved historical injustice,” said Irungu.
He criticised the state’s slow pace in prosecuting cases. Despite pledges from IPOA and the DPP, he said, meaningful progress remains elusive.
“In the aftermath of the ‘Blood Parliament’ exposé by the BBC, the response from our own institutions was disappointing,” he says. “The BBC could identify a named officer and present 5,000 pieces of evidence, while our own authorities have not matched that level of diligence,” he posed.
He warned against the state’s increasing use of “lawfare”—the manipulation of legal systems to suppress dissent.
“If the state continues detaining people without cause and using the law to intimidate, it erodes public trust in legal institutions.”
Filling the gap
Amnesty and other civil society actors bore the brunt of last year’s crisis—not just documenting abuses but stepping in where the state faltered.
“We should have seen government medical personnel mobilised to treat both protesters and police. Instead, we filled that gap,” Irungu said.
He added that no psychosocial support has been provided to the 65 bereaved families or to the 25 families with relatives still missing.
He called on the state to declare certain roles like journalists, doctors, and first responders off-limits during protests and to protect, not target, essential services.
As Kenya reflects on the anniversary of one of its darkest civic moments, Irungu said: “If justice doesn’t come now, these families will carry their pain into the future. And that resentment will become ungovernable.”
Hussein Khalid, CEO of Vocal Africa, described the protests as a movement that redefined civic activism in Kenya.
A year ago, a peaceful outcry over the Finance Bill grew into a nationwide, youth-led demand for justice, accountability, and dignity. What began as budgetary discontent soon became a generational reckoning.
And when Rex Masai, a young protester, was shot and killed, the nation crossed a line—from anger into defiance.
“People were enraged. They were being killed simply for expressing their dissatisfaction. Gen Zs were extremely peaceful. In fact, they actively prevented any elements of violence. If someone tried to be vulgar or aggressive, they would be shut down immediately by fellow protesters,” Khalid recounted.
As the protests escalated, so did the state’s response. According to Khalid, what followed was a “blatant, brutal crackdown.”
“On June 25th, the day of the Occupy Parliament protest, we documented at least nine killings in a single day. Youth like Rex Masai and Kevin were either shot or beaten to death by police. Some bodies were found dumped in dams,” he said.
For Khalid, justice is not a mere slogan but a journey that starts with acknowledgement of the killings, correction of the narrative branding the youths as criminals, accountability by responsible officers and compensation of the families and victims.
“Some parents lost not only their children but their livelihoods while seeking justice,” Khalid says. “We’re helping them start small businesses to get back on their feet,” said Khalid.
“We will not rest until justice is served. The youth who stood up against injustice deserve to be remembered not as rioters, but as heroes of a better Kenya,” he added.
Khalid was particularly concerned about the growing normalisation of surveillance in Kenya. “One of the telecoms shared the data of targeted individuals, and some of them ended up being killed and this is extremely worrying,” he said.
Khalid called for resistance of new proposals in the 2025 Finance Bill, which include measures that would allow authorities to track individuals via their mobile phones.
“We’re sliding back to the days of detention without trial, when dissent was criminalised. The civic space is closing fast,” he added.