Kipkoech Tanui

A witness against Mr Charles Taylor claimed he instructed them to kill, disembowel and stretch ‘enemy’ intestines across footpaths in the battlefield. The ex-combatant also claimed former Liberian President and rebel leader ordered them to chop off their heads and plant them on sharpened sticks along the paths of the ‘enemy’.

Taylor, humbled by handcuffs and sandwiched by his captors, argued the claim was outrageous and a figment of the claimant’s imagination. A lot more has been claimed in this court, which could soon star six Kenyans. Taylor’s trial opened in June 2007, when Kenya’s election fever was taking its grip on us.

Before end of what could probably be Kenya’s most expensive presidential term — given the price with which it came and the sacrifice some made for it — three President Kibaki associates are in the ICC coop; Uhuru Kenyatta, Francis Muthaura and Hussein Ali. Lurking in the shadows during the trial will be Kibaki just like Prime Minister Raila Odinga will be when the other three walk in.

The three others — William Ruto, Henry Kosgey and Joshua arap Sang — were too close to Raila and were considered unapologetic Orange Democratic Movement followers. Sang runs a morning show on Kass FM radio that is a marriage of personal views and one-way diatribe. It is always about three topics that coil over each other like a python around sotop tomokcha (sacred traditional calabash indefinitely passed on from father to son): Raila, Ruto and ODM!

His callers, some of whom complain they are cut off by Arap Sang when they inquire about the probable "Kalenjin’s and Ruto’s Plan ‘B’", are interesting.

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They persuade you that the only thing Raila has not done is stop rain from falling in Rift Valley. For this, they sound like they could embrace Uhuru or Kalonzo Musyoka — not so much because of their worth as leaders, but just to get at Raila.

The future, they say will be sorted out by time but it would be a bonus if Kenya can have Ruto as President and Uhuru as VP. But Ruto might not care much if in the process, and assuming some unforeseen tsunami slows down ICC, Raila is out of contention or loses.

Grandfather’s choice

I am told that in this so-called "coalition of the accused" which Kalonzo tried to squeeze into with eye on the spoils, Central would be happy if Uhuru climbs the walls of State House on Ruto’s shoulders then ditches him immediately he gets inside. The calls Arap Sang, who I believe lacked clout and capacity to incite the killings in Rift Valley, gets usually manifest one common denominator to Kalenjin politics — annoyance or anger.

It is what held us together in 2002, with Ruto as our political tour guide behind Uhuru. We were angry at the temerity of Kenyans to oppose Uhuru — choice of our grandfather. In 2007, we were ‘angrily’ behind Raila, because of our annoyance with Kibaki and the way he and his cabal had treated the Kalenjin.

Before 2002, we were bonded by annoyance at those who dared to oppose Professor of Politics and before 1978, bound by annoyance at Uhuru’s father over his free title deeds to his tribes — people to settle in the Rift.

The only common denominator between Raila and us in 2007 was shared annoyance with Kibaki and his bullish cabal from central Kenya. Our prize bull was either still premature or circumstances were inappropriate, given that our own had just left power after 24 years, for it to gambol in the arena.

So Ruto, though he wanted to run, chose to support Raila but "only for this time!"

The ordinary Kalenjin, tutored by the painful experience of land thefts in Rift Valley and ‘greed’ manifested by Centralists, saw in Raila the big stick they could use against their rivals. The merger of interests produced ODM, with other groups falling in line and step, because of the legitimate feeling of alienation by Kibaki’s emergence as one of the most cunning and biggest tribalists of our time.

He also had shown he wielded a big spade over Goldenberg Reincarnated: Anglo Leasing, Triton, Free Primary Education and Grand Regency multi-billion-shilling scandals. He also supervised the reinvigoration of an ethnic stranglehold of certain key installations such as Provincial Administration, Harambee House, the Treasury, and State Security machinery. If it were not so cruelly true, I would flinch when his apologists and blind followers, always goaded by shared tribal affiliation, call me names on this score.

The good thing with tribalism is that it feeds on itself, and that is why there is in OP a senior civil servant missing sleep because he can’t wait for Mzee Muthaura to go then he takes over — his main qualification being mundu wa nyumba (son of the home).

The Hague floodgates

I began with Taylor because whether the six are guilty or the real culprit(s) has been left behind, Ocampo has his witnesses and we do not know what untruths and truths they give. If I were Kibaki and Raila, in whose name Ocampo says crimes were committed, I would be wary of what may come from ICC speakerphones.

They may be conjecture, rumour and exaggeration, but no one will close the ear against them.

They have already lied to him there was a network of terror to which all Kalenjins belong, commanded by Ruto and deputised by Kosgey. He has also been told Mungiki was a PNU army.

Justice Phillip Waki reported one of planning meetings took place at State House. At times, I believe Kibaki is honest in his pursuit of deferrals and a local tribunal. It is scary to imagine what may flow once The Hague floodgates are opened.

The writer is Managing Editor, Daily Editions, at The Standard.

ktanui@standardmedia.co.ke