Despite mounting international pressure, Sudanese citizens still cling to the hope of a humanitarian ceasefire—more than two years since the war erupted in mid-April 2023.
According to a Sudanial report published on October 7, 2025, the conflict has left over a million people dead or injured, the majority of them civilians—especially women and children.
In reality, there are no precise statistics on the number of dead, injured, or missing, which constitutes a violation in itself. Nor are there accurate estimates of those who have died from war-related diseases as distinct from overall fatalities, due to the collapse of the health system and the difficulty of collecting data in active conflict zones, the same source noted.
It further reported that indirect deaths—stemming from preventable diseases and malnutrition—account for a large and alarming portion of total human losses.
The war, according to the report, has “torn apart family and social bonds, driving up divorce and separation rates, eroding trust, and spreading violence and crime,” all amid the collapse of the economy and the devastating financial losses suffered by citizens. Vital infrastructure—hospitals, schools, universities, roads, power and water networks, markets, factories, government institutions, and homes—has been destroyed. Economic activity has come to a standstill, leaving the majority of people, almost overnight, unemployed, displaced, or wounded.
Military victory is impossible
Field indicators show that a military resolution is impossible, given the balance of power between the warring sides after more than two years of continuous fighting.
Mohamed Ibn Chambas, head of the African Union’s High-Level Mechanism on Sudan, described the situation as a “deeply alarming humanitarian catastrophe.” He stressed that “there is no military solution to the conflict and that the only path forward is an inclusive, Sudanese-led diplomatic dialogue.”
He confirmed that the humanitarian situation is catastrophic “in every sense of the word,” noting that more than 12 million Sudanese have been displaced and now face severe shortages of food and shelter, while millions of children are deprived of education.
“The firm conviction of both the African Union and the international community,” he said, “is that there is no military solution to Sudan’s crisis.” He called on “the warring parties to accept a ceasefire and allow immediate humanitarian access.”
Sustained pressure for a ceasefire
Meanwhile, the Quartet mechanism—comprising the United States, the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia—continues its efforts to end the war through a proposed three-month humanitarian truce as a prelude to lasting peace.
The Quartet’s initiative has been widely welcomed by the Sudanese public, seen as a potential lifeline to end the war.
On November 4, 2025, around 200 representatives of Sudanese civil society submitted a memorandum to the foreign ministers of the Quartet, also addressed to the UN Secretary-General and the Chairperson of the African Union Commission.
The memorandum called on the UN Security Council and the AU Peace and Security Council to fully adopt the Quartet’s roadmap and to authorise decisive measures for the protection of civilians, using all means permitted under international law.
Amid growing national and international calls to end the war—which has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced millions—the signatories urged the Quartet to intensify its engagement with the two main belligerents, the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, to secure “an immediate cessation of hostilities and unconditional signing of the proposed humanitarian truce.”
They stressed the “need to overcome any delays or obstruction, paving the way for a political peace process that restores Sudan’s unity and stability.” They affirmed that “the path to the future must be civilian and peaceful, excluding military actors and war instigators from any political role, reclaiming the civic space and the voice of victims, and completing the revolutionary path toward a nation built on peace and justice.”
The memorandum also asserted that ending the war and “putting an end to its inferno is the only way to preserve Sudan as a state and a people,” adding that “peace cannot be traded for justice.” Accountability, it said, “is the inevitable fate of all those who have committed crimes against humanity, war crimes, or genocide.”
The signatories included numerous political organizations, academics, diplomats, writers, artists, lawyers, professional and trade union leaders, and members of humanitarian emergency committees and resistance committees.
Fading hopes
Despite U.S. pressure to accept the truce proposal, the Sudan Founding Alliance Government (Tasis) agreed to the initiative—yet Port Sudan rejected it, ensuring the continuation of war.
Media sources revealed that army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan requested that Washington designate Turkey and Qatar as mediators—an attempt, analysts said, to evade negotiations, given that the proposal was reportedly backed by Sudan’s Islamist factions.
Youssef al-Kouda, former Islamist leader and head of the Islamic Centrist Party, said the Islamist movement “destroyed Sudan since 1989.” In a recorded statement, he lamented: “The National Congress Party destroyed the civil service and drove out its best sons. What happened was a complete crime against the nation.”
He added, his voice heavy with regret: “Sudan once had one of the best civil administrations in the Arab world, but we destroyed it with our own hands. Within two years of seizing power in 1989, we dismissed six hundred thousand employees. Imagine that number—it was an administrative massacre under the pretext of political empowerment.”
Entrenched corruption
Al-Kouda further acknowledged that “corruption became deeply entrenched in state institutions—not as isolated cases but as a systematic network to protect power and privilege. The Islamists plundered public funds, treated positions as spoils, and were ready to sacrifice three-quarters of the Sudanese people to stay in power and control the economy and resources.”
“We saw the corruption,” he said, “and remained silent, justifying it as part of the project of empowerment and religious mission. It became a curse on us and on the nation. The economic collapse alone is proof enough: the dollar, which was worth four Sudanese pounds in 1989, is now worth a thousand. That is the natural outcome of decades of corruption, mismanagement, secession, and looting of public wealth.”
He continued: “We executed people without due process, just to assert the regime’s authority. It was blatant injustice for which we all pay the price today. What the regime committed were not mere errors but political and moral crimes that ruined Sudan’s reputation and exhausted the conscience of its people.”
He called on Islamists “to make an honest reckoning and a profound self-examination before it is too late,” affirming that “political and moral repentance is the only path to saving what remains of Sudan.” He concluded: “We must hold ourselves accountable before we are held to account before God. We have destroyed Sudan—its people, dignity, and wealth. Let us correct our course before the day comes when remorse will no longer avail us.”
