Dominic Odipo
Butula is one of five constituencies in what was once the old Busia District at the western border with Uganda. The other four are Amagoro, Nambale, Funyula and Budalangi. Even though these areas are virtually similar in their socio-economic profiles, as a political unit Butula constituency is unique, indeed.
If the newly-gazetted Interim Independent Electoral Commission, IIEC, is looking for a valuable home-grown case study to help it operationalise its national mandate, then Butula might be a very logical place to start from.
As a political unit, Butula is a fascinating place for students of our version of electoral politics. In fact, there is no constituency in the entire country which handles its parliamentary elections quite like this. If IIEC could transplant the Butula microcosm onto the rest of the country, politics would never be the same again.
Just what makes Butula, which was established just before the 1997 elections, different?
First, just as Kenya has more than 40 ethnic groups, Butula has more than 40 clans. Some are as different from each other as some Kenyan tribes. Some came from the north, down the River Nile, while some came from the south. Some are relatively big, akin to Kenya’s Kikuyu or Luhya groups, while others are tiny. In neighbouring Nambale, the biggest rivalry pits the Baguri against the Bakhabi. But when the people of Butula — known as the Marachi — go to vote, clan numbers count for virtually nothing.
The 35,629 registered voters choose a candidate they believe can best represent them.
Second, even though Butula is relatively poor, compared to such constituencies as, say, Westlands and Kabete, the people’s attitude towards money or worldly riches in general is unique. Even though, like most voters, they will take money if it is offered by candidates, this money does not determine how they ultimately vote.
Funny Money
This means that money is not and has never been king. You can throw millions of shillings at the voters in Butula, but they will still not vote for you. In fact, the more money a parliamentary candidate throws around, the riskier it becomes for them.
Butula is one of the few places where voters still ask that basic electoral question: Where has this money being dished out to us come from? If they don’t get a satisfactory answer, they will not vote for the candidate who is throwing the money around.
This means that all those who seek the Marachi vote on the back of the proceeds of corruption can never win a parliamentary election in Butula.
This also means that no drug dealer, like so many we know on the national stage, could win a parliamentary election there.
Third, the people of Butula do not fight each other during election campaigns. Election-related violence is virtually unknown in this little corner of Busia. Candidates go out of their way to appeal to their supporters to avoid violence at all costs.
Considering that campaign-related violence is so common in all the other constituencies of the old Busia District, and, indeed, across much of the country, this non-violent strain in Butula is surprising.
Fourth, parliamentary election results are never disputed by the losing candidates. In all three elections that have been held in Butula, which is my ‘home’ constituency, there has never been a poll petition filed by any candidate. Losers publicly accept the election results as announced by the returning officer and continue with their lives.
Again, considering that election petitions are so common in the rest of the greater Busia District, Butula stands out as a very unique case study, indeed.
Fifth, once defeated, candidates do not usually come back to try again. When they do, they usually fail again. This appears to be a unique, homegrown version of what the Americans refer to as ‘congressional term limits’, but without the accompanying legislation to enforce them.
Finally, Butula voters are generally gender-blind. They vote for men and they vote for women. There is no macho male chauvinism here. The constituency’s first MP was Kanu’s Francis Masakhalia. In 2002, he was replaced by Narc’s Christine Mango. She, in turn, was followed by ODM’s Alfred Odhiambo Bwire in 2007.
Daily Allowances
If the Butula people think you can deliver, they will vote for you whether you are from a big or a small clan; rich or poor; a man or a woman. They do not vote for people they perceive to have questionable riches; do not fight during election campaigns and do not petition the results.
Are there vital lessons here for the IIEC? You bet! But when the new lot settles down, you will not see it going to Butula to learn. They probably will fly off to the United States, Britain and elsewhere so that they can earn maximum daily allowances!
The writer is a lecturer and consultant in Nairobi.
dominicOdipo@yahoo.co.uk
