The term Saba Saba (Seven-Seven) entered Kenya’s political lexicon during the inaugural civil disobedience exploit of July 7, 1990. This article explores the Saba Saba tradition from 1990 to the present. To properly unravel the Saba Saba spirit, one must examine its three phases: those of 1990, 1997 and 2023-2026.

The masterminds of the maiden 1990 Saba Saba held at the historic Kamkunji Grounds, Nairobi were Keneth Nyindo Matiba, Charles Rubia, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga and others with the support of  ‘Young Turks’ as well a group of civil society champions and university dons and student leaders.

Reverend Dr. Timothy Murere Njoya fired an opening salvo through his 1990 New Year Sermon by prophetically calling for constitutional change and Kenya’s return to political pluralism. Other clergy subsequently amplified his voice and courage. Later Njoya was to suffer at the hands and boots of the state.

The November 9, 1989 collapse of the Berlin Wall and eventual thawing of the Cold War led the West to discontinue supporting their erstwhile client dictatorial regimes in Africa. By 1990, Kenya had experienced only about 5 years of limping multi-party politics and 22 of one-party authoritarianism.

The Saba Saba 1990 mission was repeal of the one-party grafted Section 2A to the 1963 Constitution. Saba Saba 1990 therefore became a turning point in kenya’s resistance as an answer to what Jaramogi famously described as ‘Not Yet Uhuru’. Thus Saba Saba, which symbolized the dawn of Kenya’s Second Liberation, birthed new political parties and a fresh breed of younger political leaders.

Despite restrictions and detention without trial of key organizers under the infamous Preservation of Public Security Act, citizens held demonstrations in Nairobi and other towns. A vicious government crackdown left in its trail about 20 people dead and at least 1000 injured.

Unfortunately, the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD) splintered into Ford Kenya, Ford Asili, and Ford People thereby handing victory to President Daniel Moi on a silver platter in 1992 and 1997. The opposition Young Turks had also met their match in Youth for KANU’s leadership.

It is to be noted the majority of the demonstrators in 1990 were young people from universities and people’s settlements such as Kibera, Mathare and so on. They bore the brunt of police excesses.

Saba Saba round two occurred on 7.7.1997. Unlike the premier Saba Saba, it had a prolonged gestation period. It was preluded by the controversial 1992 general election which was marred by government-leaning electoral laws and manufactured ethnic based violence. Arguably repeal of Section 2A left the one party legal system unaltered.

Leaders of the political opposition, civil society, social movements, professional associations, academia, faith sector, as well as youth, women and persons with disabilities aggregated themselves into a pro-democracy movement. The National Convention Assembly (NCA) and its management committee National Convention Executive Council (NCEC) were born.

Between March 7-11, 1997 the NCA partnered with one of its members the National Youth Movement (NYM) to convene the First Plenary at Limuru Conference Centre. The convention, feeding on prior reform work executed by civil society and academia on reforms, and spirited debate by convention members sourced from the entire country, endorsed first minimum reforms for passage before the 1997 general election and second, comprehensive reforms to be pursued post 1997. These were presented to government for action through the Head of Public Service.

During May of 1997, NCEC led two mass action events in Nairobi CBD and Central Park, Nairobi. Police cordoned off Kamukunji Grounds denying the bulk of protestors access. Some of NCEC leaders and demonstrators encountered police brutality.

On the 19th of June 1997 NCEC, particularly through its parliamentary membership, disrupted budget proceedings within the chamber as citizens picketed the National Assembly within its precincts.

Then the D-Day arrived on 7.7.1997. Saba Saba. Nationwide demonstrations took place in which ordinary citizens, political opposition including the future President Mwai Kibaki participated.

The uprising was met, as usual, by police brutality with over 20 demonstrators killed and many others injured. A civilian group known as Jeshi La Mzee had been recruited to complement police capacity in quelling demonstrations.

The KANU government’s overture to NCEC’s rallying cry of ‘No Reforms – No Elections’ was to seek dialogue with the pro-democracy movement leaders. The political opposition and the faith sector decided to tango with KANU while NCEC civil society component declined, insisting on a people-driven process of achieving comprehensive reforms.

President Moi outmaneuvered the reform movement by assembling thirty-six KANU and opposition Members of Parliament to debate legislative drafts of minimum administrative, statutory and constitutional reforms. Hence in November 1997, parliament passed the Inter-Parties Parliamentary Group (IPPG) minimum reforms. Essentially these had been the product of NCA deliberations. However the pro-democracy movement now was split and enfeebled. Moi had taken the wind out of the movement’s sails a few months after it had almost toppled his government.

Despite the setback, NCEC continued to organize Nane-Nane (8.8) and Tisa Tisa (9.9) protests. It continued to agitate for reforms up to 2002 even after the faith sector-backed Ufungamano Initiative led by Reverent Mutava Musyimi and Dr. Ooki Ombaka was inaugurated to drive a parallel constitution-making process to that initiated by the government.

Both the NCA and NCEC pressurized President Moi into conceding both consequential minimum reforms and eventually, in 2001, to restructure the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission, which would oversee constitution-making after his departure.

And now I approach the third unique phase of Saba Saba.

Its prelude was the 2023 demonstrations sparked by tax hikes, high cost of living, and electoral malpractice. Dubbed the Sufuria (cooking pan) Revolution, the protests covered Nairobi, Kisumu, Mombasa and other urban centres. Led by Azimio La Umoja Coalition which had lost the 2022 elections to the Kenya Kwanza Coalition, they took place from February peaking after the passage of the controversial Finance Act, 2023.

As a response, intense civil disobedience occurred on Saba Saba Day. Police responded, occasioning over 30 fatalities. Azimio La Umoja promised to seek compensation for the extra-judicially killed. Such legal case, with time, went cold. Afterwards, the opposition joined the government in the National Dialogue Committee (NADCO) meant to seek constitutional, legal and policy reforms geared towards resolving the then political impasse. NADCO 2023 was the equivalent of the IPPG of 1997.

In 2024, young people – the Gen Z - poured onto the streets to protest against that year’s Finance Act. In an unprecedented move, the seemingly spontaneous uprising saw young persons in about 38  of the 47 counties demonstrate against high cost of living, corruption, impunity, waste of public resources, poor public services delivery, youth unemployment, poor education system, rising public debt and so on. They testified they were tribeless.

Further, they did not trust status quo politicians, swearing they would ‘drain the swamp’. They advised the political class to keep clear from their movement.

Apart from street demonstrations which debuted from June 18, the Gen Z and Ys waged digital warfare against the state. Their mobilization was spectular. Thus June 25th and Saba Saba seemed to merge as the energized New Saba Saba. They were met by an unprecedented police violence cocktail of tear gas, arrests and court arraignments, abductions, enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings. An estimated 61 mostly young people were killed. Those injured by the security forces and hired goons ran into thousands. The magnitude of the demonstrations surpassed that of the 1990s era.

Uncharacteristically, President William Ruto during this period made some concessions. He shared an X Space with Gen Z leaders. He withdrew the Finance Act and dissolved his cabinet save for the Prime Cabinet Secretary. The Gen Zs savoured a win despite the thwarting of their march to the National Assembly. Only later did they realize that they had scored a pyrrhic victory after the sequel Finance Act, 2024 was replaced by almost identical legislation and the new cabinet secretaries of the broad-based government turned out to be of conservative pedigree.

On the 25th June 2025, and particularly after the death of Albert Ojwang in police custody, Gen Z organized a remembrance of the 2024 police brutality victims in more than half of the country’s counties. Police rejoinder resulted in about 16 fatalities, hundreds injured, among other egregious human rights abuses. During the Saba Saba of the same year Kenya National Commission on Human Rights reported a toll of 31 fatalities and other human rights infringements.

Again in 2026, youth held June 25th and Saba Saba demonstrations to commemorate their fallen colleagues as well as articulate the same issues they had advocated in 2023 and 2024. They continued to demand: fidelity by the country’s leadership to the constitution and rule of law; a government that serves the people; reining of the cost of living; reasonable taxation; youth employment; educational opportunities; a universal health coverage that is healthy; solution to the onerous public debt and so on.

Since 2024, Gen Z have been self-organizing, and hence the political opposition has taken a back seat regarding demonstrations. Young people have begun to cultivate interest in the voting process through their Niko Card Movement. They also harbor the ambition of presenting their candidates in the 2027 elections as they support other progressive leaders.

From the inaugural 1990 Saba Saba to the June 25th Movement, including the previous 35 Saba Saba, it is  increasingly becoming clear that the current regime and any other future administrations must reform the Kenyan state to guarantee a genuine democratic order as well as the Third Economic and Social Cultural Liberation. The signs confirm the Gen Z will not relent. It is time to dialogue and seek peace. Endemic suppression and blood letting are likely to catalyze a youthquake.

-Kibwana is a professor of constitutional law, a human rights advocate, and former governor and Cabinet minister