How Big Four is being sabotaged from within

Uhuru Kenyatta has good ideas on how to transform Kenya which, on Jamhuri Day in 2017, he called the Big Four. This policy statement bordered on being some sort of doctrine, a long term commitment to a vision of, and belief in, the ultimate goodness of a particular undertaking. Although nothing would be allowed to interfere with reaching the ultimate good, that attainment largely depends on political goodwill. Uhuru’s doctrine is grounded in a belief that it is possible to ensure that Kenya’s political economy can attain, and remain in an upward trajectory that perpetually provides Kenyans with jobs, food, houses, and health.

Initially, the Uhuru doctrine was in danger of being stillborn and needed political incubation in part because the birth environment was politically contaminated. First, Raila Odinga delayed accepting his election victory and, with his followers engaging in confrontations implementing the Big Four would be difficult.

He thereafter successfully extracted political concessions through the famous “handshake” with Raila Odinga. For a moment, Uhuru appeared “captive”, seemingly tolerating Raila’s demands and attacks on his Deputy William Ruto, and to talk of overhauling the Constitution. This displeased some Ruto-linked players in Uhuru’s political camp which, if not well managed, will be problematic to the Big Four dream.

Financial hemorrhage

Besides the political contamination of the Uhuru Doctrine birth environment, there was sabotage arising from systemic financial hemorrhage linked to two types of state officials at both the national and devolved government levels. First are members of the permanent government that do not change with elections.

Second are elected or appointed policy makers in various institutions. Instead of delivering services, some officials attract attention with sudden “conspicuous consumption”, facilitate money laundering, and raise the general cost of living beyond the ordinary people. They sabotage the national well-being and Uhuru’s dream. In launching the Big Four, Uhuru trusted both, but they let him down. They did it because they wanted to, having developed a culture of fleecing public coffers. They had elaborate and influential networks cutting across virtually all institutions of state that facilitated fast payment of dubious demands while ignoring genuine claims.

The sabotage took many forms and the media exposures of patterns of corruption highlighted such as the contraband mischief and the two NYS seasons. Importing illicit sugar, expired medicine, and counterfeit commodities ended up destroying the manufacturing/jobs as well as the health pillars. Since Kenyans consume a lot of sugar, the reported lacing of it with mercury, if true, amounts to terrorism and had little to do with trying to make quick money.

In that sense, the probable importers of mercury-laced sugar are terrorists and the corrupt officials who assist them are accomplices to terrorism and mass murder. In addition, they discourage farmers and job creation by destroying Kenyan sugar factories that have since closed despite the huge amount of “rescue” money pumped into them.

Artificially high

There is glaring disconnect between what people earn and the basic cost of living. There is, for instance, big artificiality in the real estate sector where the cost of land and housing has little relation to average income. While the average monthly income is less than Sh40,000, a “low cost” apartment costs millions of shillings. Artificial high land prices make housing cost artificially high.

The builders and buyers of mushrooming expensive real estates that Kenyans cannot afford and distort reality, it appears, are probably international and local money launderers with enough financial muscles to buy their way in many offices. They help to distort reality and make the housing pillar in the Big Four difficult to achieve. To make housing affordable, there is need to bring down artificial land prices. That means Uhuru must break the grip that land cartels, money launderers, and their powerful state facilitators have on real estate. They are saboteurs of Uhuru’s vision.

The challenge to Uhuru, if his doctrine is to be sustainable, is to weed out the political and economic conspirators. He should maintain the momentum in the current anti-corruption campaign, but watch out for technical traps that can derail him. He should also avoid being, or appearing to be, captive to crocodile praises and sabotage schemes disguised as support.

Prof Munene teaches history and international relations at USIU; [email protected]